MUHAMMAD and the Muslims returned once more from Hudaibiya to Medinah, after the three weeks' truce between them and Quraish had come to an end - a truce which stipulated that for this year they would not enter Mecca, and only the following year would they be allowed to enter. They returned bearing a certain feeling in their hearts. Some of them still felt that the terms of the truce were not in keeping with the dignity of the Muslims, until at last Surah al-Fath came down while they were still on that journey, and the Prophet recited it to them. Now what occupied Muhammad's thoughts, during his stay in Hudaibiya and after his return, was what he should do to strengthen the resolve of his Companions while also extending the spread of the mission. In the end he decided to send envoys to Heraclius, Chosroes, Muqauqis, the Negus in Abyssinia, to Harith al-Ghassani and to the Chosroes' governor in Yemen. At the same time it was considered necessary to crush entirely the power of the Jews throughout the whole Arabian peninsula.
At that time Islamic teaching had in fact reached its maturity, so that it became a religion for the whole of mankind, no longer confined merely to matters of monotheism and its consequences such as matters of worship, but had also broadened to encompass every kind of social life. This was in keeping with the greatness of the concept of monotheism, and enabled its bearer to reach the maturity of human life and the realisation of a higher purpose in life. It was for this reason that regulations concerning matters of society were revealed.
Biographers of the Prophet differ over when the prohibition of khamr (intoxicating drink) was revealed. Some say it was in the fourth year of the Hijrah. But most say it was during the period of Hudaibiya. The idea of the prohibition of khamr was social in nature, having no connection with monotheism as such. Clearer evidence of this is that the prohibition is mentioned in the Qur'an only around twenty years after the Prophet's mission began, and throughout that time the Muslims continued to drink khamr until the prohibition came. And clearer evidence still is that the prohibition did not come all at once, but gradually, so that the Muslims could reduce the habit little by little. When the prohibition finally came, they stopped drinking. In one source concerning Umar bin'l-Khattab it is mentioned that when he asked about khamr he said: "O Allah, give us a clear explanation of it." Then this verse came down:
"They ask you about khamr and gambling. Say: in both there is great sin, and also some benefit for people, but their sin is greater than their benefit." (Qur'an, 2: 219)
Since after the revelation of this verse the Muslims still did not stop, some of them even drinking all night to excess, so that when they went to prayer they no longer knew what they were reciting, Umar again said: "O Allah, make clear to us the ruling on khamr, for it corrupts the mind and wealth," and then this verse came down:
"O you who believe, do not approach prayer while you are in a state of intoxication, so that you may know what you are reciting." (Qur'an, 4: 43)
At that time the Prophet's muezzin, at prayer time, would call out: "Let no one who is intoxicated join the prayer!"
Although this brought about a reduction in that drink, and in this respect its effect was quite considerable, so that many of them reduced their consumption of khamr as much as possible, nevertheless some time later Umar again said:
"O Allah, make clear to us the ruling on khamr, make it plain and definite, for it corrupts the mind and wealth." Umar was indeed quite right to say so, considering that the Arabs - including the Muslims among them - would become disorderly from such drink, quarrelling with one another, pulling at each other's beards and striking one another's heads.
There was once a group of them who held a feast of eating and drinking. Once they were intoxicated, the Muhajirin and the Ansar began to quarrel with one another. One who was partisan toward the Muhajirin, while another who was partisan toward the Ansar, took a camel's skull bone which they had been eating and struck it against the nose of one of the Muhajirin. There were also two other groups from different tribes who were drunk. They quarrelled with one another, and then stabbed one another. Among them arose feelings of mutual hatred, whereas before that their relations had been harmonious and full of mutual affection. It was then that this word of Allah came down:
"O you who believe! Khamr, gambling, idols, and divination by arrows are but abominations of Satan's handiwork. So avoid them that you may succeed. Satan only wants to sow enmity and hatred among you through khamr and gambling, and to hinder you from remembering Allah and from prayer. Will you not then desist?" (Qur'an, 5: 90-91)
When the prohibition of khamr was announced, Anas was on duty serving at the time. When he heard someone proclaiming that the drink was forbidden, he swiftly poured it out. But there were some for whom this prohibition was not yet clear; they said: how can khamr be an abomination when it is already in the stomach of so-and-so and so-and-so, who were killed in the battle of Uhud, and also in the stomach of so-and-so and so-and-so who were killed in the battle of Badr? Then this word of Allah came down:
"There is no sin upon those who believe and do righteous deeds for what they ate before, so long as they are mindful of Allah, remain believers, and do righteous deeds. Then they remain mindful of Allah and believe, then are mindful of Allah and do good. Allah loves those who do good." (Qur'an, 5: 93)
All the good deeds and compassion enjoined by Islam, calling people always to perform righteous acts, the training of soul and character found in worship, the function of bowing and prostration in prayer which has done away with arrogance of heart - all this represents a fitting completion of the religions that came before, and is what caused this teaching to be directed to all mankind.
At that time Heraclius and Chosroes each stood as head of the Roman and Persian empires, two of the strongest kingdoms of their age, and two men who had determined the course of world politics and the fate of all their peoples. War between these two kingdoms raged on, with victory constantly changing hands, as we have already seen. At first Persia was the victorious side. It seized Palestine and Egypt, conquered Bait'l-Maqdis (Jerusalem) and succeeded in carrying off the True Cross. Then it was Persia's turn to suffer defeat again. The banners of Byzantium once more fluttered over Egypt, Syria and Palestine, and Heraclius succeeded in bringing back that cross - after he had vowed - that if he attained victory, he would make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem on foot and return the cross to its place.
If one recalls the standing of these two kingdoms, one can well imagine how greatly these two names could arouse trepidation and fear in people's hearts. No kingdom ever thought of opposing them. What crossed people's minds was rather to seek friendship with these two kingdoms. If the world's famous kingdoms at that time were all in such a state, it was hardly strange that the Arab lands should be likewise. Yemen and Iraq at that time were under Persian influence, while Egypt as far as Syam was under the influence of Heraclius. At that time the Hijaz and the whole peninsula were hemmed in within the circle of influence of these two great empires. The livelihood of the Arabs at that time depended solely upon trade with Yemen and Syam. In this regard it was very necessary for them to win the favour of Chosroes and Heraclius, so that the power of these two kingdoms would not disrupt their trade. Besides that, the life of the Arabs amounted to no more than that of tribes, sometimes at bitter enmity with one another, sometimes at ease. There was no bond among them that would form any political unity which they could bring to bear in facing the influence of these two colossal kingdoms.
It is therefore astonishing that at that time Muhammad should think of sending his envoys to these two great rulers - also to Ghassan, Yemen, Egypt and Abyssinia. He invited them to embrace his religion, without feeling any fear of whatever consequences might arise from his action, consequences which might also bring the whole Arab land under the grip of Persia and Byzantium.
Yet in reality Muhammad did not hesitate to invite all these kings to embrace the true religion. Indeed, one day he went to his Companions and said:
Brothers, Allah has sent me as a mercy to the whole of mankind. Do not differ among yourselves concerning me, as the Hawariyun (the followers of the Messiah) differed concerning Isa son of Mariam.
"O Messenger of Allah," said his Companions, "how did the followers of Isa differ?"
He called them to what I am calling you to. The one he sent to a nearby place, that person accepted gladly and with a happy heart. But the one he sent to a distant place, that person's face showed reluctance and hesitation.
He then told them that he would send envoys to Heraclius, to Chosroes, to Muqauqis, to Harith al-Ghassani king of Hira, to Harith al-Himyari king of Yemen, and to the Negus in Abyssinia. He would invite them to embrace Islam. His Companions declared themselves ready to do this.
inscribed: the Messenger of Allah."
The contents of the letters that were sent were as in the example we present to the reader, namely his letter to Heraclius, which read:
"In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. From Muhammad, servant of Allah, to Heraclius, the chief of the Romans. Peace be upon whoever follows the true guidance.
To proceed. I hereby invite you to follow the teaching of Islam. Accept Islam and you will be safe. Allah will grant you a double reward. But if you turn away, then the sin of the ariseen shall be your responsibility. O People of the Book, come to a word common between us and you: that we worship none but Allah, and that we associate nothing with Him, and that none of us take one another as lords besides Allah. But if they turn away, then say: bear witness that we are Muslims."
The letter to Heraclius was then carried by Dihya b. Khalifa; the letter to Chosroes was carried by Abdullah b. Hudhafa; the letter to Najasyi by 'Amr b. Umayya; the letter to Muqauqis by Hatib b. Abi Balta'a; the letter to the ruler of Oman by 'Amr bin'l-'Ash; the letter to the ruler of Yamama by Salit b. 'Amr; the letter to the king of Bahrain by al-'Ala bin'l-Hadzrami; the letter to Harith al-Ghassani, the border king of Syam, by Syuja' b. Wahb; the letter to Harith al-Himyari, king of Yemen, by Muhajir b. Umayya.
They all set out, each to the place assigned to him by the Prophet. According to most historians they set out at the same time, though some others hold that they set out at different times.
Muhammad's action in sending out these envoys was indeed truly astonishing. Why not! Within less than thirty years afterward, the very regions to which Muhammad had sent his envoys had been entered by the Muslims, and most of their people had become Muslim. Yet the astonishment quickly fades once we remember that these two colossal empires, which had steered the course of the world at that time, with a civilisation that had dominated the whole world, were competing with each other merely for material victory, while their spiritual strength had already crumbled and vanished. Persia itself was already divided between paganism and Mazdaism. Likewise Christianity in Byzantium was already badly shaken by the presence of numerous sects and factions. It was no longer a whole teaching capable of stirring and infusing life-force into the human soul. Indeed it had turned into mere ceremonies and traditions, extolled by religious leaders into the minds of ordinary people so that they could be controlled and enslaved. Whereas the new teaching brought by Muhammad had at its foundation a pure spiritual strength. It could raise the dignity of man to a higher level in keeping with his human nature. When matter and spirit meet, when temporary interest is opposed to the eternal, then everything material and temporary will inevitably lose.
Besides all that, both Persia and Byzantium, for all the greatness of the power they possessed, had in fact both already lost the strength of initiative and creativity. In thought, in developing taste and in their work they merely imitated and continued what already existed. Every kind of renewal was regarded as bid'ah (a deviation from religion), and every deviation was misguidance.
Human society, like an individual person and like every living creature, is always developing every day. When it is still young, its development is one of forming, building and adding vitality to its own life. But then, its life will keep shrinking, it will slide down to its very lowest point. A human society that has slid down to its lowest point will have its fate reshaped entirely anew by an element from outside, bringing with it the full vigour of life. That element from outside, full of vibrant life-force, was, alongside Persia and Byzantium, to be found not in China or India, nor in the midst of Europe, but that element was Muhammad himself.
It was only natural that his fresh and vibrant teaching should be able to restore a new pulse of life full of vitality into a soul that was undergoing collapse from within, a collapse caused by the influence of religious tradition and superstition, which had taken deep root in place of faith and belief. The glimmer of new faith that had illumined the Messenger's heart, the strength of soul that had surpassed all other strengths, was what inspired him to send envoys inviting the great men of the world to know Islamic teaching, as the true religion, the perfect religion, the religion of Allah the Most Great. Inviting them to know a religion that would free man's mind so that he could evaluate, that would free man's heart so that he could be aware, could think. In the system of belief and social life, he laid down general principles for mankind that would form a balance between spiritual capacity and material strength capable of governing the soul. Through that balance, man would be able to attain the goal of strength in facing life, a strength free from all weakness and arrogance of heart. Through such a system of society, man would arrive at a better place, as hoped for, after passing through the various stages of his evolution amidst all the creatures of this world.
Would Muhammad have sent his envoys to those kings had he still feared betrayal by the Jews living to the north of Medinah? Indeed he had already made the Hudaibiya treaty. On the side of Quraish he was already safe, and to the south too he was already safe. But to the north he could not feel at ease, in case Heraclius or Chosroes should later come to seek the help of the Jews of Khaibar, or in case old grudges in their hearts should rise again, reminding them of the Banu Quraidza, Banu Nadzir and Banu Qainuqa, their brethren in religion. Their settlements had been emptied out by Muhammad after being besieged and after fighting and bloodshed had occurred. The Jews were more hostile to him than Quraish, for they held more firmly to their religion than Quraish did. Among them too there were more intelligent men than among Quraish. It was indeed not easy to make a peace treaty with them as had been done with Quraish at Hudaibiya, nor could he feel at ease with them given the past enmity, since they were the side that had never won. It was only natural that they would seek revenge should they obtain reinforcements from Heraclius. So then, the power of the Jews must also be crushed completely, so that they could no longer offer any resistance at all in the Arab lands. And this had to be carried out quickly, before there was enough time left for them to seek help from Ghatafan or other tribes helping them and hostile to Muhammad.
This, then, was what had to be done.
On his return from Hudaibiya - according to one source he stayed only fifteen nights, another source states one month - he ordered the people to prepare to march on Khaibar, on condition that only those who had gone to Hudaibiya could take part in the raid, and that it must also be voluntary, with no share of war booty to be distributed.
As many as sixteen hundred men, with a hundred Muslim cavalry, now set out again. They all had faith in Allah's help; they still remembered the word of Allah in Surah Al-Fath which had been revealed during Hudaibiya.
"Those who stayed behind will say, when you set out to take the spoils of war: Let us follow you. They wish to change the word of Allah. Say: You shall not follow us. Thus has Allah said before. They will say again: But you are jealous of us. No. Only a few of them understand." (Qur'an, 48: 15)
The distance between Khaibar and Medinah they covered in three days. Without their even realising it, that very night they found themselves before the fortifications of Khaibar.
The Messenger said:
Khaibar is doomed. When we come upon the courtyard of this people, the morning shall be an evil one for those who have been warned.
But the Jews of Khaibar had indeed already been expecting Muhammad to attack them. They sought a way to save themselves. Some of them suggested that a bloc be quickly formed, consisting of themselves and the Jews of Wadi'l-Qura and Taima, which would attack Yathrib (Medinah) directly, without relying on the other Arab tribes. Others were of the opinion that it was better to simply ally themselves with the Messenger, in the hope that the hatred felt for them might be erased from the hearts of the Muslims - especially from the Ansar - after it became clear that Huyayy b. Akhtab and a number of other Jews had been involved in inciting the Arab tribes to attack Medinah and had brought about by force the battle of the Trench. However, the spirit of both sides had already reached its peak, so that before fighting broke out the Muslims had already succeeded in killing the leaders of Khaibar, namely Sallam b. Abi'l-Huqaiq and Yasir ibn Razzam. Because the Jews had constantly been in contact with Ghatafan from the moment news first spread that Muhammad would attack them, they quickly asked those tribes for help. Regarding this Ghatafan, scholars still differ: did this tribe actually provide reinforcements, or had the Muslim forces already cut off their connection to Khaibar?
Whether or not Ghatafan did in the end help the Jewish side, or rather kept its distance after Muhammad promised to give a share of war booty later, the fact remains that this war was the greatest that had ever occurred; considering too that the Jewish groups in Khaibar were the strongest Israelite colony, the wealthiest and the best armed. Besides that, the Muslim side was also quite certain that so long as the Jews remained a thorn in the flesh of the whole peninsula, the rivalry between the religion of Musa and this new religion would go on and on without ever reaching any resolution. So they threw themselves into the fray, staking their lives without any further hesitation.
On the other hand Quraish and the whole Arab peninsula stood by watching this war. Among Quraish there were even those who dared to place wagers on the outcome of the war and who would win. Most of Quraish hoped that the Muslims would suffer destruction, seeing the strength of the Khaibar fortresses, which were already renowned, and their position atop rocky crags and mountains, besides their own long experience on the battlefield.
With adequate weapons prepared, the Muslims were now positioned before the fortifications of Khaibar. The Jews too were deliberating among themselves. Their leader Sallam b. Misykam suggested that their wealth and family members be placed inside the forts of Watih and Sulalim, that foodstuffs and equipment be placed inside the fort of Na'im, and that soldiers and the assault force be placed inside the fort of Natat, with Sallam b. Misykam himself along with them, mobilising them for the fighting.
Now both sides had come face to face around the fort of Natat, and a fierce fight to the death began. In this regard it has even been said: "The wounded on the Muslim side numbered fifty men. How much greater then the number of wounded on the Jewish side."
After Sallam b. Misykam was killed, command of the forces was taken over by Harith b. Abi Zainab. He came out of the fort of Na'im with the intention of attacking the Muslim forces, but he was repelled by the Khazraj and forced to retreat back into his fort. The Muslims then tightened their siege on the forts of Khaibar, while the Jews fought to the death to defend themselves, convinced that their defeat at the hands of Muhammad would mean a final destruction of the Banu Israil in the Arab lands.
This went on for several days. Then the Messenger handed the banner to Abu Bakr so that he might enter the fort of Na'im. But after fighting broke out he returned without having succeeded in taking the fort. The next morning the Messenger assigned Umar bin'l-Khattab. But he too met with the same fate as Abu Bakr. Now he called for Ali b. Abi Talib, saying to him:
Take this banner and carry it forward until Allah grants you victory.
Ali set out carrying the banner. Once he was close to the fort, its defenders came out to meet him, and fighting broke out at once. One of the Jews managed to strike him and knocked the shield from his hand. But Ali quickly seized a door of the fort and, shielding himself with that door still in his hand, continued fighting. The fort was eventually breached by him. He then used that same door as a bridge, and by means of this "bridge" the Muslims were able to cross over into the fort. But the fort of Na'im only fell after its commander, Harith b. Abi Zainab, was killed. This shows just how fiercely the Jews truly fought to the death, and how fiercely too the Muslims besieged and stormed it.
After the fort of Na'im fell, the Muslims went on to conquer the fort of Qamush, only after fierce fighting had first taken place. Since the Muslims' food supplies were no longer sufficient, some men came to Muhammad complaining and asking for something with which to sustain themselves, and since there was nothing he could give them, they were permitted to eat horsemeat. Meanwhile one of the Muslims saw a flock of goats entering one of the Jewish forts. Two of the goats were caught, then slaughtered and eaten together.
But after they conquered the fort of Sha'b b-Mu'adh, their need was no longer so pressing, for it turned out there was quite a large supply of food at that place, which would allow them to continue the struggle against the Jews and to besiege the remaining forts. Meanwhile not a single span of land nor a single fort was willing to be surrendered to the Jews until they had truly defended it heroically and had used every ounce of their strength to try to hold back the Muslim assault. After first preparing their weapons and equipment for battle, suddenly Marhab the Jew came out from one of the forts, reciting these verses:
Khaibar already knows me, I am Marhab, bearer of a proven hero's weapon; sometimes striking once and cutting through; when the lion appears, then it roars in fury; my defence is a defence never overcome, every attack is rendered helpless by the champion
Hearing this Muhammad called out to his Companions: "Who will answer this?" At that very moment Muhammad b. Maslama answered:
"I will, O Messenger of Allah. I am the one who must rise up to demand retribution. My brother was killed yesterday." Then, after obtaining the Prophet's permission, he stepped forward and they began to attack one another, so that he himself very nearly was killed by Marhab. But his sword was caught by Ibn Maslama's shield and was caught and held fast. In that condition the man was struck down by Muhammad Ibn Maslama until he met his end.
Thus the war between the Jews and the Muslims was fought very fiercely indeed, made all the more so by the fact that the endurance of the Jewish forts at that time was truly strong and hard.
Now the Muslims laid siege to the fort of Zubair. This siege dragged on for quite a long time, accompanied by fierce fighting as well. Even so, they still did not succeed in taking it. Only after the water channel to the fort was finally cut off were the Jews forced to come out, and though they fought the Muslims to the death, in the end they fled as well. In this way the forts fell one by one into the hands of the Muslims, ending with the forts of Watih and Sulalim in the fortification group of Katiba, the last two forts, which were strong and formidable.
From that point onward a feeling of despair began to creep into their hearts. Now they sought peace. All their possessions inside the forts of asy-Syiqq, Natat and Katiba were surrendered to the Prophet to be confiscated, on condition that their lives be spared. This request was accepted by Muhammad. He allowed them to remain in their own villages, which by the law of conquest were now under his authority. They would receive half the produce of that land's fruit as compensation for their labour.
Muhammad treated the Jews of Khaibar differently from how he had treated the Banu Qainuqa and Banu Nadzir when they were expelled from their villages; for with the fall of Khaibar he already felt secure from the danger of the Jews and was also confident that they would no longer be able to offer any resistance at all. Besides that, in Khaibar there were several plantations, fields and date-palm orchards. All of these still required a good many skilled hands to work them and to manage their cultivation properly. Even though the people of Medinah consisted of farming folk, whose own land also greatly needed their labour, yet bearing in mind that the Prophet also greatly needed soldiers for his armed forces, he did not wish to leave them all to farming. Meanwhile the Jews of Khaibar continued to work even though their political power had already collapsed in such a way that it also affected their activity, so that in terms of agriculture and cultivation Khaibar too quickly suffered decline and ruin; even though the Prophet had treated the people of that region so well, with Abdullah b. Rawaha, the Prophet's envoy to them, being quite fair, dividing the produce with them every year. So well did the Prophet treat the Jewish people of Khaibar that when the Muslims stormed them, and among the spoils of war there were also found several copies of the Torah, when the Jews asked for them, the Prophet ordered that the books be returned to them. He did not go so far as to do what the Romans once did when they conquered Jerusalem. The sacred books were burned by them and trampled underfoot. Nor did he do what the Christians did in the war to crush the Jews of Andalusia (Spain). The Torah scrolls were likewise burned by them.
After the Jews of Khaibar sought peace - while the Muslims were besieging them in the forts of Watih and Sulalim, the Prophet sent men to the people of Fadak, with the aim that they either accept his invitation or surrender their possessions. Learning of what had happened in Khaibar, the people of Fadak were already thoroughly frightened. An agreement was reached, with them surrendering half their wealth without a fight. If Khaibar became the property of the Muslims because they had fought to liberate it, then Fadak belonged to Muhammad, since the Muslims did not obtain it through battle.
Once all this was over, the Messenger prepared himself to return to Medinah by way of Wadi'l-Qura. But the Jews of this region had already prepared themselves to attack the Muslims. Fighting soon broke out. But they too were forced to surrender and to seek peace, just as had happened with the people of Khaibar. As for the Jews of Taima, they were willing to pay jizya (tax) without any war or fighting taking place.
In this way all the Jews submitted to the Prophet's authority, and thus ended all their power throughout the peninsula. From the direction of the north toward Syam, Muhammad now no longer had anything to fear, just as before, and from the direction of the south too he no longer had anything to fear, following the Hudaibiya treaty.
With the end of Jewish power, the hatred felt by the Muslims - especially the Ansar - toward them greatly diminished. They even turned a blind eye to several Jews who returned to Yathrib. And the Prophet stood together with the Jews who were mourning the death of Abdullah b. Ubayy, and expressed his condolences to his son as well. Mu'adh b. Jabal too was instructed by him not to try to persuade those Jews away from their Jewish religion. Nor was jizya tax imposed on the Jews of Bahrain even though they remained firm in their religious beliefs. With the Jews of Banu Ghazia and Banu 'Aridz an agreement was likewise made that they would receive dhimma (protection), and a tax was also imposed on them.
In short, the Jews now submitted to the power of the Muslims. Their standing in the Arab lands had already fallen apart and they were forced to leave that region. Formerly they had held a dominant position there, until they were finally expelled - according to one view, this happened during the Messenger's lifetime, according to another view, after the Messenger's death.
But the submission of the people of Khaibar and the other Jewish groups throughout the peninsula did not happen all at once after their fall. Indeed, as a result of their defeat their hearts were still filled with deep-seated hatred and grudges. Zainab bint'l-Harith, wife of Sallam b. Misykam, once sent a gift of lamb meat to Muhammad - after she felt safe and after there was a peace treaty with Khaibar. As he and his Companions were sitting down to eat that meat, the Prophet, peace be upon him, took a piece from the leg and had already begun chewing it, but did not go so far as to swallow it. Meanwhile Bisyr bin'l-Bara', who was sitting eating together with them, had also taken a piece of that meat. But Bisyr then swallowed his straightaway.
While the Messenger spat his back out, saying: "There are signs of poison in the bone." Zainab was then called, and she confessed. She then said:
You have done to my people what you already know.
But most accounts state that the Prophet forgave Zainab, and greatly respected her reason, bearing in mind the calamity that had befallen her father and husband. Besides that, there are also some who say that she too was killed, because of Bisyr who had died from the poison.
In truth Zainab's act left a deep impression in the hearts of the Muslims. The events that followed Khaibar made them no longer trust the Jews. Indeed they feared the consequences of whatever treachery might be carried out individually, now that they could no longer be crushed as a whole. Shafia bt. Huyayy b. Akhtab, of the Banu Nadzir, was among the captives taken by the Muslims from the fort of Khaibar. She was the wife of Kinana bin'l-Rabi'. As far as the Muslims knew, it was in Kinana's hands that the wealth of the Banu Nadzir was kept. When the Prophet asked him about that wealth, he swore repeatedly that he did not know where it was.
"If we find it in your possession, would you want to be killed?" asked Muhammad. "Yes," answered Kinana.
One of them had once seen Kinana pacing back and forth near some ruins, and this was reported to the Prophet. The Prophet ordered that the ruins be dug up, and it was from within those ruins that the hidden wealth was brought out. Kinana was finally killed because of what he had done.
Now Shafia was in the hands of the Muslims as one of the prisoners of war.
"Shafia is the mother of the Banu Quraidza and Banu Nadzir. She is fit only for you," it was said to the Prophet.
After the woman was freed she was then taken as a wife by the Prophet, as was customarily done by great men who had won a war. They would marry the daughters of great men in order to ease the burden of the calamity that had befallen them and also to preserve their honoured standing.
Fearing that resentment toward the Messenger might arise in the heart of a woman - whose father, husband or people had been killed - Abu Ayyub Khalid al-Anshari, sword drawn, kept watch all that night on the way back from Khaibar around the tent where the marriage of Muhammad to Shafia was being consummated. The next morning, when the Messenger saw him, he was asked: "What is the matter?"
"I feared for your safety from that woman," he said, "for her father, her husband and her people were killed, and it has not been long since she was still a disbeliever."
But until Muhammad's death, it turned out that Shafia was deeply devoted to him. During his final illness, his wives were gathered around him,
"O Prophet of Allah. If only it were I who
The Prophet's wives exchanged winks with one another at her.
"Wash out your mouth," said the Prophet. "From what, O Prophet of Allah?" she said. "From winking at your companion. By Allah, she is truly honest."
After the Prophet's death, Shafia lived on into the caliphate of Mu'awiyah. It was during that period that she died and was buried at Baqi'.
Muhammad to Heraclius, to Chosroes, to Najasyi and to the kings surrounding the Arab lands - did their departure take place before the battle of Khaibar, or did they also experience it, and did they set out for their respective destinations only afterward, once victory lay with the Muslims? On this point the opinions of historians still differ widely, so that it is very difficult for us to draw any more certain conclusion. But in our estimation they did not all set out at the same time; some departed before, and some after, Khaibar.
Not just one source mentions that Dihya b. Khalifa al-Kalbi had experienced the battle of Khaibar, yet it was also he who had gone to carry the letter to Heraclius, who at that time was returning in victory after succeeding in defeating Persia, and having also succeeded in recovering the True Cross which they had taken from Jerusalem. And the time had also come for him to fulfil his vow to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem on foot in order to return the cross to its original place.
When the letter was delivered, the emperor had already reached the city of Himsh. Was it his own men who handed the letter to Heraclius after Dihya had delivered it to his governor in Bostra, or was it Dihya himself, leading the group of Bedouin Arabs, who - once introduced - himself handed the letter to him? On this point too the accounts remain confused.
The letter was then read out and translated before the emperor. He was not angry or enraged, nor did he then plan to send his armed forces to attack the Arab lands. On the contrary, the letter was answered quite graciously. This too, it seems, is what caused some historians to mistakenly assume that the emperor had converted to Islam.
At around the same time Harith al-Ghassani also reported to Heraclius that an envoy of Muhammad had come to him bearing a letter. Heraclius saw that the contents of the letter were the same as the one sent to him, inviting him to embrace Islam. Harith asked the emperor's permission to personally lead a force that would punish the man claiming to be a prophet. But according to Heraclius it was better for Harith to remain in Jerusalem for when the emperor would later make his pilgrimage, so that the celebration of returning the cross would be all the grander, and the one calling to this new religion need not be paid any attention. It never crossed his mind that within only a few years Jerusalem and Syam would themselves come under the banner of Islam, that the capital of Islam would move to Damascus, and that the conflict between the Islamic lands and the Roman empire would only subside after Constantinople was taken by the Turks in the year 1453, its great church turned into a mosque, so that the Prophet whom Heraclius had tried to defeat by ignoring him would have his name inscribed within that very building, and for centuries that church would remain a mosque, until finally the Muslim Turks converted it once more into a museum of Roman art.
As for Chosroes, the Persian emperor, as soon as Muhammad's letter inviting him to embrace Islam was read out to him, he was furious and tore up the letter. A letter was immediately sent to Bazan, his governor in Yemen, with the order that the head of that man in the Hijaz be brought to him at once. Perhaps by his reckoning this would lessen the impact of his defeat before Heraclius.
After Chosroes' words and his act of tearing up the letter were reported to the Prophet, he said:
"Allah has torn apart his kingdom."
It turned out that Bazan had also sent an envoy with a letter to Muhammad, and meanwhile Chosroes himself had already been succeeded by his son Syiruya (Kavadh II). This event was already known to the Prophet, so that he was at once able to inform Bazan's envoys of it. He asked them also to become his envoys to Bazan, inviting him to embrace Islam. In fact the people of Yemen already knew of the calamity that had befallen Persia and already sensed the ruin of that kingdom. News too of Muhammad's victory over Quraish and the collapse of Jewish power had already reached them.
After Bazan's envoys returned and the Prophet's message was delivered to that ruler, he gladly became a Muslim and remained Muhammad's governor in Yemen. What, then, might Muhammad ask of that governor, considering Mecca was still in dispute with him? In fact, once the shadow of Persia had vanished, he had gained an advantage by placing himself under the protection of a power newly risen in the Arab land, without incurring any risk at all, and it may well be that Bazan himself did not at the time reckon that his joining Muhammad had already formed a very strong fortification for Islam in the southern part of the peninsula, as was proven by events that occurred two years later.
But the reply of Muqauqis, a Coptic official in Egypt, was not the same as the reply of Chosroes, and was indeed even finer than the reply of Heraclius. He informed Muhammad that he did indeed believe a prophet would come, but that his coming would be in Syam. He received the envoy with all due honour. He then sent a gift by the hand of that envoy consisting of two maidservants, a white mule, a donkey, a sum of wealth and various other Egyptian produce. Maria, one of the two maidservants, was received for the Prophet himself, and later gave birth to Ibrahim, while Sirin was given as a gift to Hassan b. Thabit. As for the mule, it was named by the Prophet "Duldul", and its white colour was indeed quite remarkable compared with the mules found in the Arab lands, while the donkey was named "Ufair" or "Ya'fur". The gift was accepted well by Muhammad, and it is said that Muqauqis did not go so far as to embrace Islam, since he feared that the kingdom of Egypt would be seized by the Romans. Were it not for that, he would surely already have believed and been among those who had received guidance.
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